Αποστασία: Διαφορά μεταξύ των αναθεωρήσεων

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Έκδοση από την 12:37, 19 Νοεμβρίου 2007

Αυτό το άρθρο αφορά την θρησκευτική αποστασία. Για πληροφορίες που αφορούν την αποστασία του 1965 ή Ιουλιανά βλέπε Αποστασία του 1965.


Η αποστασία (προερχόμενη από τις λέξεις από και στάσις, δηλαδή κατα λέξη, απομάκρυνση) είναι όρος που περιγράφει την αποκήρυξη εκ μέρους ενός ατόμου της θρησκείας του, ειδικά όταν θεωρείται ότι υποκινείται από ποταπά κίνητρα. Από τεχνικής άποψης, κατά τη χρήση του όρου στην Κοινωνιολογία χωρίς την υποτιμητική απόχρωση του όρου, ο όρος αναφέρεται στην αποκήρυξη και την άσκηση κριτικής ή εναντίωσης προς την θρησκεία στην οποία ανήκε προηγουμένως το άτομο. Το άτομο που διαπράττει την αποστασία ονομάζεται αποστάτης, εκείνος ο οποίος αποστατεί. Στην παλιότερη Δυτική φιλολογία, ο όρος αναφερόταν τυπικά στους βαφτισμένους Χριστιανούς οι οποίοι εγκατέλειψαν την πίστη τους. Οι όροι αποστάτες και αποστασία δεν αποτελούν συνήθως αυτοπροσδιορισμό: ελάχιστα πρώην μέλη κάποιας θρησκείας αποκαλούν τους εαυτούς τους αποστάτες και γενικά θεωρούν τους όρους αυτούς υποτιμητικούς. Κάποιοι λόγοι που οδηγούν κάποιον στην αποκήρυξη της θρησκείας του είναι η απώλεια της πίστης του, η υποτιθέμενη αποτυχία της θρησκευτικής κατήχησης και/ή η πλύση εγκεφάλου.

Πολλά θρησκευτικά κινήματα θεωρούν την αποστασία ως φαυλότητα (αμαρτία), ως διαφθορά της αρετής της αγνής πίστης με την έννοια ότι όταν απωλεσθεί η πίστη το επακόλουθο είναι η αποστασία. Εντούτοις, τα περισσότερα άτομα που μεταστρέφονται σε μια νέα θρησκεία μπορεί επίσης να θεωρηθούν αποστάτες από την άποψη της προηγούμενης πίστης τους.

Ποικίλες θρησκευτικές ομάδες τιμωρούν τους αποστάτες. Αυτό μπορεί να περιλαμβάνει τη διακοπή της επικοινωνίας με τους αποστάτες από τα μέλη της προηγούμενης θρησκευτικής ομάδας. Κάτι τέτοιο μπορεί να αποτελεί είτε επίσημη τακτική της θρησκευτικής ομάδας ή να αποτελεί αυθόρμητη αντίδραση, λόγω διαφόρων ψυχοκοινωνικών παραγόντων. Κάποια θρησκεύματα αντιδρούν στην αποστασία με τον αφορισμό του αποστάτη ενώ κάποια άλλα φτάνουν ως το σημείο να απαιτούν τη θανατική ποινή του αποστάτη.

Αντιστρόφως, κάποιοι αθεϊστές και αγνωστικιστές χρησιμοποιούν τον όρο "απομεταστροφή" (στην αγγλική, "deconversion") για να περιγράψουν την απώλεια της πίστης ενός ατόμου ως μέλους κάποιας θρησκείας. Κάποιοι αυτοαποκαλούμενοι "Ελεύθερα Σκεπτόμενοι" και εκείνοι που αντιμετωπίζουν με λιγότερο θετική διάθεση την παραδοσιακή θρησκεία θεωρούν την "απομεταστροφή" ως κέρδος για την "εκλογίκευση" και την επιστημονική μέθοδο.

Η αξιοπιστία της προσωπικής μαρτυρίας των αποστατών είναι ένα σημαντικό και αμφιλεγόμενο ζήτημα για τη μελέτη της αποστασίας όσον αφορά τις αιρέσεις και τα νέα θρησκευτικά κινήματα.

Η διαφορά μεταξύ της αποστασίας και της αίρεσης είναι ότι η αίρεση αφορά την απόρριψη ή την παραφθορά συγκεκριμένων δογμάτων από τον αιρετικό και όχι την πλήρη εγκατάλειψη της θρησκείας του όπως συμβαίνει με τον αποστάτη.

Ο όρος χρησιμοποιείται επίσης όσον αφορά την αποκήρυξη των απόψεων κάποιου και σε άλλου τομείς εκτός της θρησκείας, και πιο συγκεκριμένα στην πολιτική.


Κοινωνιολογικοί ορισμοί

Ο αμερικανός κοινωνιολόγος Ντέιβιντ Μπρόμλεϊ (David G. Bromley) προσδιόρισε το ρόλο του αποστάτη (στην αγγλική, "apostate") όπως φαίνεται παρακάτω σε αντιδιαστολή με τους ρόλους του αυτομόλου ("defector") και του πληροφοριοδότη ("whistleblower")[1].

  • Ο ρόλος του αποστάτη: Περιγράφεται ότι συμβαίνει σε εξαιρετικά πολωμένες περιπτώσεις στις οποίες το μέλος μιας οργάνωσης βιώνει μια ολική αλλαγή των πεποιθήσεών του μέσω συνεργασίας με μία ή περισσότερες από τις αντιτιθέμενες πλευρές χωρίς την συγκατάθεση ή τον έλεγχο της οργάνωσης. Η καταγραφή των γεγονότων περιγράφει το ουσιώδες κακό της οργάνωσης που ανήκε προηγουμένως ο αποστάτης και εξιστορούνται μέσα από την προσωπική εμπειρία παγίδευσης και απόλυτης διαφυγής/σωτηρίας του αποστάτη.
  • Ο ρόλος του αυτομόλου: Το μέλος της οργάνωσης διαπραγματεύεται την απομάκρυνσή του κυρίως με την ηγεσία της οργάνωσης, η οποία του δίνει την άδεια να παραιτηθεί από τη θέση του, έχει υπό τον έλεγχό της τη διαδικασία της απομάκρυνσης και διευκολύνει στην αλλαγή των ρόλων. Η από κοινού καταγραφή των γεγονότων αποδίδει την κύρια ηθική ευθύνη για τα προβλήματα του μέλους της οργάνωσης στο ίδιο το μέλος που αποχωρεί και ερμηνεύει την άδεια που του παραχώρησε για να απομακρυνθεί ως προσκόλληση σε εξαιρετικά ηθικά πρότυπα και στη διαφύλαξη της εμπιστοσύνης του κοινού.
  • Ο ρόλος του πληροφοριοδότη: Συμβαίνει όταν ένα μέλος μιας οργάνωσης συνεργάζεται με κάποιον εξωτερικό ρυθμιστικό παράγοντα παρέχοντας σε αυτόν την προσωπική μαρτυρία του αναφορικά με συγκεκριμένες αμφιλεγόμενες πρακτικές της οργάνωσης, με σκοπό την επιβολή κυρώσεων στην οργάνωση. Η καταγραφή των γεγονότων, η οποία γίνεται από κοινού από τον πληροφοριοδότη και τον ρυθμιστικό παράγοντα, παρουσιάζει τον πληροφοριοδότη ως άτομο που υποκινείται από την ατομική του συνείδηση και τον ρυθμιστικό οργανισμό ως προασπιστή του δημοσίου συμφέροντος.

Ο αμερικανός κοινωνιολόγος Λούις Κοσέρ (Lewis A. Coser), βλέποντας από άλλη οπτική γωνία το ζήτημα και σε αρμονία με τον γερμανό φιλόσοφο και κοινωνιολόγο Μαξ Σέλερ (Max Scheler), θεωρεί τον αποστάτη ως άτομο που όχι μόνο βίωσε μια δραματική αλλαγή των πεποιθήσεών του αλλά και "ως άτομο που, ακόμη και στη νέα κατάσταση πίστης του, δεν ζει πρωτίστως πνευματικά σύμφωνα με το περιεχόμενο της νέας πίστης του επιδιώκοντας ανάλογους στόχους, παρά μόνο μάχεται ενάντια στην παλιά πίστη του και υπερασπίζεται την αποκήρυξή της".

Διεθνής νομοθεσία

Η Επιτροπή Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων του Οργανισμού Ηνωμένων Εθνών θεωρεί την αποκήρυξη της θρησκείας εκ μέρους ενός ατόμου ως ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα το οποίο προφυλάσσεται από τη Διεθνή Σύμβαση για τα Αστικά και Πολιτικά Δικαιώματα (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights): «Η επιτροπή δηλώνει ότι η ελευθερία του ατόμου 'να έχει ή να υιοθετεί' μια θρησκεία ή ένα πιστεύω προϋποθέτει απαραίτητα την ελευθερία επιλογής θρησκείας ή πιστεύω, περιλαμβανομένου του δικαιώματος του ατόμου να αντικαθιστά την τρέχουσα θρησκεία ή τα πιστεύω του με άλλα ή να υιοθετήσει αθεϊστικές απόψεις ... Το Άρθρο 18.2 αποκλείει τον εξαναγκασμό που θα μπορούσε να βλάψει το δικαίωμα του ατόμου να έχει ή να υιοθετεί μια θρησκεία ή ένα πιστεύω, περιλαμβανομένης της χρήσης ή απειλής σωματικής βίας ή ποινικών κυρώσεων με σκοπό να εξαναγκαστούν πιστοί ή άπιστοι να προσκολληθούν στα δικά τους πιστεύω και συγκεντρώσεις, να αποκηρύξουν τη θρησκεία τους ή το πιστεύω τους ή να μεταστραφούν». (CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.4, Γενικό Σχόλιο Αρ. 22, 1993.)[2]

Βλέπε επίσης Θρησκευτική μεταστροφή.

Στον Χριστιανισμό

Οι Χριστιανοί παραθέτουν συχνά την προφητεία από τη 2 Θεσσαλονικείς σχετικά με την επερχόμενη αποστασία:

«Mή τις ὑμᾶς ἐξαπατήσῃ κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον· ὅτι ἐὰν μὴ ἔλθῃ ἡ ἀποστασία πρῶτον καὶ ἀποκαλυφθῇ ὁ ἄνθρωπος τῆς ἁμαρτίας, ὁ υἱὸς τῆς ἀπωλείας». (2 Θεσσαλονικείς 2:3)


Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons) believe that this foretold apostasy, "The Great Apostasy," began with the death of the early apostles and continued into the early nineteenth century.

The apostasy can alternatively be interpreted as the pre-tribulation Rapture of the Church. This is because apostasy means departure (translated so in the first seven English translations). Dr. Thomas Ice, Pre-Trib Perspective, March 2004, Vol.8, No.11.

Signs of apostasy vary widely among many Christian denominations, the most common include:

  1. Denial of the Trinity and the deity of Christ;
  2. Denial of the deity of the Holy Spirit;
  3. Denial of moral absolutes, as found in the Bible;

Some denominations quote Jude and Titus 3:10 saying that an apostate or heretic needs to be "rejected after the first and second admonition." In Roman Catholicism, apostasy is among the offences which bring automatic excommunication.

In the first centuries of the Christian era, apostasy was most commonly induced by persecution, and was indicated by some outward act, such as offering incense to a heathen deity or blaspheming the name of Christ. (The readmission of such apostates to the church was a matter that occasioned serious controversy.) The emperor Julian's "Apostasy" is discussed under Julian the Apostate. In the Roman Catholic Church the word is also applied to the renunciation of monastic vows (apostasis a monachatu), and to the abandonment of the clerical profession for the life of the world (apostasis a clericatu). Such defection was formerly often punished severely.

See also Great Apostasy; for an Arminian doctrine of individual apostasy, see Conditional Preservation of the Saints.

Στον Ισλαμισμό

Πρότυπο:Main articles

Διακοπή της επικοινωνίας με τους αποστάτες

The Quran is silent on the punishment for apostasy, though not the subject itself. The Quran speaks repeatedly of people going back to unbelief after believing, but never once does it say that they should be killed or punished.

In Islam, apostasy is called "ridda" ("turning back") and it is considered by Muslims to be a profound insult to God. A person born of Muslim parents that rejects Islam is called a "murtad fitri" (natural apostate), and a person that converted to Islam and later rejects the religion is called a "murtad milli" (apostate from the community).

The question of the penalties imposed in Islam (i.e. under shariah law) for apostasy is a highly controversial topic that is passionately debated by various scholars. On this basis, according to some scholars, if a Muslim consciously and without coercion declares their rejection of Islam and does not change their mind after the time given to him/her by a judge for research, then the penalty for male apostates is the death penalty, or, for women, life imprisonment. However, this view has been rejected by some modern Muslim scholars (eg Hasan al-Turabi), who argues that the hadith in question should be taken to apply only to political betrayal of the Muslim community, rather than to apostasy in general[1]. These scholars argue for the freedom to convert to and from Islam without legal penalty, and consider the aforementioned Hadith quote as insufficient confirmation of harsh punishment; they regard apostasy as a serious crime, but undeserving of the death penalty. Today apostasy is punishable by death in the countries of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Yemen, Iran, Sudan, Afghanistan and Mauritania. In Pakistan blasphemy is also punishable by death.

The hadith "Whosoever changes his religion, Kill Him", has been used both by supporters of the death penalty as well as critics of Islam. Islamic scholars point out it is important to understand the hadith in proper historical context. The order was at a time when the nascient muslim community in Medina was fighting for its very life, and there were many schemes, by which the muslim's enemies would try to entice rebellion and discord within the community. [2]. Clearly any defection would have serious consequences for the muslims, and the hadith may well be about treason, rather than just apostasy. It must also be pointed out that under the terms of the Treaty of Hudaibiyah, any muslim who returned to mecca was not to be returned, terms which the Prophet accepted.

The Qur'an says:

  • "Let there be no compulsion in the religion: Clearly the Right Path (i.e.Islam) is distinct from the crooked path". (2:256)
  • A section of the 'People of the Book' (Jews and Christians) says: "Believe in the morning what is revealed to the believers (Muslims), but reject it at the end of the day; perchance they may (themselves) turn back (from Islam)." (3:72)
  • "But those who reject faith after they accepted it, and then go on adding to their defiance of faith, never will their repentance be accepted; for they are those who have (of set purpose) gone astray." (3:90)
  • "Those who blasphemed and back away from the ways of Allah and die as blasphemers, Allah shall not forgive them". (4:48)
  • "Those who believe, then reject faith, then believe (again) and (again) reject faith, and go on increasing in unbelief,- Allah will not forgive them nor guide them on the way." (4:137)
  • "O ye who believe! If any from among you turn back from his faith, soon will Allah produce a people whom He (Allah) will love as they will love Him lowly with the believers, Mighty against the rejecters, fighting in the way of Allah, and never afraid of the reproachers of such as find fault. That is the Grace of Allah which He will bestow on whom He (Allah) pleases. And Allah encompasses all, and He knows all things". (5:54)

The Hadith (the body of quotes attributed to Muhammad) includes statements taken as supporting the death penalty for apostasy, such as:

and

  • "The blood of a Muslim who confesses that none has the right to be worshipped but Allah and that I am His Apostle, cannot be shed except in three cases: In Qisas for murder, a married person who commits illegal sexual intercourse and the one who reverts from Islam (apostate) and leaves the Muslims." (Sahih Bukhari Vol. 9, book 83, number 17, narrated via Abdullah)

Στον Ιουδαϊσμό

See also: yetzia bish'eila

The term apostasy is also derived from Greek ἀποστάτης, meaning "political rebel," as applied to rebellion against God, its law and the faith of Israel (in Hebrew מרד) in the Hebrew Bible.

Other expressions for apostate as used by rabbinical scholars are "mumar" (מומר, literally "the one that changes") and "poshea yisrael" (פושע ישראל, literally, "transgressor of Israel"), or simply "kofer" (כופר, literally "denier").

The Torah states:

Deuteronomy 13:6-10:

If thy brother, the son of thy mother, or thy son, or thy daughter, or the wife of thy bosom, or thy friend, which [is] as thine own soul, entice thee secretly, saying, Let us go and serve other gods, which thou hast not known, thou, nor thy fathers; [Namely], of the gods of the people which [are] round about you, nigh unto thee, or far off from thee, from the [one] end of the earth even unto the [other] end of the earth; Thou shalt not consent unto him, nor hearken unto him; neither shall thine eye pity him, neither shalt thou spare, neither shalt thou conceal him: But thou shalt surely kill him; thine hand shall be first upon him to put him to death, and afterwards the hand of all the people. And thou shalt stone him with stones, that he die; because he hath sought to thrust thee away from the LORD thy God, which brought thee out of the land of Egypt, from the house of bondage.

Paul the Apostle was accused of apostasy by the council of James and the elders, for teaching apostasy from the law given by Moses. Scholars consider this the reason by which some early Christians, such as the Ebionites, repudiated Paul for being an apostate.

In the Talmud, Elishah Ben Abuyah (known as Aḥer) is singled out as an apostate and epicurean by the Pharisees.

During the Spanish inquisition, a systematic conversion of Jews to Christianity took place, some of which under threats and force. These cases of apostasy provoked the indignation of the Jewish communities in Spain.

Several notorious Inquisitors, such as Juan Torquemada, and Don Francisco the archbishop of Coria, were descendants of apostate Jews. Other apostates who made their mark in history by attempting the conversion of other Jews in the 1300s include Juan de Valladolid and Astruc Remoch.

However, the issue of what qualifies as "apostasy" in Judaism can be complicated, since in many modern movements in Judaism, rabbis have generally considered the behavior of a Jew to be the determining factor in whether or not one is considered an adherent or an apostate of Judaism. Within these movements it is often recognized that it is possible for a Jew to strictly practise Judaism as a faith, while at the same time being an agnostic or atheist, giving rise to the riddle: "Q: What do you call a Jew who doesn't believe in God? A: A Jew." It is also worth noting that Reconstructionism does not require any belief in a deity, and that certain popular Reform prayer books such as Gates of Prayer offer some services without mention of God.

Abraham Isaac Kook [3][4], first Chief Rabbi of the Jewish community in pre-state Israel, held that atheists were not actually denying God: rather, they were denying one of man's many images of God. Since any man-made image of God can be considered an idol, Kook held that, in practice, one could consider atheists as helping true religion burn away false images of god, thus in the end serving the purpose of true monotheism.

Στον Ινδουισμό και τον Βουδισμό

There is no concept of an apostate in Hinduism or Buddhism as there is no concept of conversion. Converts to other religions from Hinduism or Buddhism are accepted in these communities, as there is no Hindu or Buddhist procedure that defines apostasy.

Σε λεγόμενες αιρέσεις και σε νέα θρηκευτικά κινήματα

Some scholars of new religious movements define as apostates specifically those individuals that leave new religious movements and become public opponents against their former faith to distinguish them from other former members who do not speak against their former faith, while others contest such a distinction. Former members of NRMs often see the use of "apostate" as an attempt to discredit them and their statements.[εκκρεμεί παραπομπή]

Some scholars use the term post-cult trauma to describe the emotional and social problems that some members of cults and new religious movements experience after leaving the group, while other scholars assert that such traumas are either only applicable in rare cases or are more likely caused by deprogramming or pre-existing psychical problems, not by voluntary leavetaking.

Some notable apostates are part of the secular opposition to cults and new religious movements or the Christian countercult movement. Some apostates of new religious movements make public stands against their former religion to warn the public of what they see as its dangers and harm. Several of those apostates maintain websites on their former groups with unflattering perspectives, testimonials and information which, they say, is not disclosed by those groups to the public. Critics like Basava Premanand (ex-Sathya Sai Baba) and several critical members of Elan Vital, complain about ad hominem attacks on them by their former organizations or by apologists of their former faith, and claim that their goal is to provide information that enables current and prospective member to make an informed choice about joining or staying with a religious movement.[5]. Some of the groups being criticized, such as Elan Vital [6] and Adidam [7] in turn, claim being the target of religious intolerance, hate and ill-will by these critics.

Apostates of new religious movements usually make a number of allegations against their former affiliation and their leaders, including failed promises, sexual abuse by the leader who claimed to be pure and divine, false, irrational and contradictory teachings, deception, financial exploitation, demonizing of the outside world, long lasting emotional pain and depression upon disaffiliation, abuse of power and hypocrisy of the leadership, discrimination, unnecessary secrecy, teaching platitudes, discouragement of critical thinking, brainwashing, mind control, exclusivism, pedophilia, leadership that does not admit any mistakes, and more.

Απόψεις σχετικά με την αξιοπιστία των λεγομένων των αποστατών και των κινήτρων τους

The validity of testimony by former members of new religious movements, their motivations, and the roles they play in the opposition to cults and new religious movements are controversial subjects among scholars of religion, sociologists and psychologists:

  • Bryan R. Wilson, who was a professor of Sociology at Oxford University, writes that apostates of new religious movements, are generally in need of self-justification, seeking to reconstruct their own past and to excuse their former affiliations, while blaming those who were formerly their closest associates. Wilson coins the term of atrocity story that is in his view rehearsed by the apostate to explain how, by manipulation, coercion or deceit, he was recruited to a group that he now condemns. (Wilson, 1981) Wilson also challenges the reliability of the apostate's testimony by saying that "[apostates] always be seen as one whose personal history predisposes him to bias with respect to both his previous religious commitment and affiliations, the suspicion must arise that he acts from a personal motivation to vindicate himself and to regain his self-esteem, by showing himself to have been first a victim but subsequently to have become a redeemed crusader." (Wilson 1994)
  • Jean Duhaime, a professor of religious studies and science of religion at the Université de Montréal writes, based upon his analysis of three memoirs by apostates of NRMs (by Dubreuil, Huguenin, Lavallée, see bibliography), that he is more balanced than some researchers, referring to Wilson, and that apostate testimonies can not be dismissed, only because they are not objective, though he admits that they write atrocity stories in the definition by Bromley and Shupe. He asserts that the reasons why they tell their stories are, among others, to warn others to be careful in religious matters and to put order in their own lives. (Duhaime 2003)
  • Bromley and Shupe while discussing the role of anecdotal atrocity stories by apostates, proposes that these are likely to paint a caricature of the group, shaped by the apostate's current role rather than his experience in the group, and question's their motives and rationale. Lewis Carter and David G. Bromley claim in some studies that the onus of pathology experienced by former members of new religions movements should be shifted from these groups to the coercive activities of the anti-cult movement.(Bromley, 1984)
  • Gordon Melton, while testifying as an expert witness in a lawsuit, said that when investigating groups, one should not rely solely upon the unverified testimony of ex-members, and that hostile ex-members would invariably shade the truth and blow out of proportion minor incidents turning them into major incidents. [8]. Melton also follows the argumentation of Lewis Carter and David Bromley above and claims that as a result of this study, the treatment (coerced or voluntary) of former members as people in need of psychological assistance largely ceased and that an (alleged) lack of widespread need for psychological help by former members of new religions would in itself be the strongest evidence refuting early sweeping condemnations of new religions as causes of psychological trauma. (Melton 1999)
  • Dr. Lonnie D. Kliever, Professor of Religious Studies of the Southern Methodist University, in his paper titled The Reliability of Apostate testimony about New Religious movements that he wrote upon request for Scientology, claims that the overwhelming majority of people who disengage from non-conforming religions harbor no lasting ill-will toward their past religious associations and activities, and that by contrast there is a much smaller number of apostates who are deeply invested and engaged in discrediting and performing actions designed to destroying the religious communities that once claimed their loyalties. He asserts that these dedicated opponents present a distorted view of the new religions and cannot be regarded as reliable informants by responsible journalists, scholars, or jurists. He claims that the reason for the lack of reliability of apostates is due to the traumatic nature of disaffiliation that he compares to a divorce and also due the influence of the anti-cult movement even on those apostates who were not deprogrammed or received exit counseling. (Kliever, 1995)
  • Dr. Phillip Charles Lucas[9] interviewed ex-members of the Holy order of MANS/Christ the Savior Brotherhood and compared them with stayers, and outside observers and came to the conclusion that their testimonies are as (un-)reliables as those of stayers. (Lucas 1995)
  • Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi, a professor of psychology at the University of Haifa, argues that academic supporters of New religious movements are engaged in a rhetoric of advocacy, apologetics and propaganda, and writes that in the cases of cult catastrophies such as Peoples Temple, or Heaven's Gate, accounts by hostile outsiders and detractors have been closer to reality than other accounts, and that in that context statements by ex-members turned out to be more accurate than those of offered by apologists and NRM researchers. (Beit-Hallahmi 1997)
  • Professor Benjamin Zablocki [10] analyzing leaver responses found the testimonies of former members as least as reliable as statements from the groups. (Zablocki 1996)
  • Massimo Introvigne in his Defectors, Ordinary Leavetakers and Apostates (Introvigne 1997) defines three types of narratives constructed by apostates of new religious movements:
    • Type I naratives: characterize the exit process as defection, in which the organization and the former member negotiate an exiting process aimed at minimizing the damage for both parties.
    • Type II naratives: involve a minimal degree of negotiation between the exiting member, the organization it intends to leave, and the environment or society at large, impliying that the ordinary apostate holds no strong feelings concerning his past experience in the group.
    • Type III naratives: characterized by the ex-member dramatically reversing his loyalties and becomes a professional enemy of the organization he has left. These apostates, often join an oppositional coalition fighting the organization, often claiming victimization.
Introvigne argues that apostates professing type II narratives prevail among exiting members of controversial groups or organizations, while apostates that profess type III narratives are a vociferous minority.
  • Mark Dunlop, a former member of FWBO) argues that ex-members of cultic groups face great obstacles in exposing abuses committed by these groups, stating that ex-members "have great difficulty in disproving ad hominem arguments, such as that they have a personal axe to grind, that they are trying to find a scapegoat to excuse their own failure or deficiency [...] Cults have a vested interest in challenging the personal credibility of their critics, and may cultivate academic researchers who attack the credibility and motives of ex-members." Dunlop further expands on the specific difficulties faced by ex-members in proving harms done to them: "If an ex-member claims that they were subjected to brainwashing or mind-control techniques, not only is this again unprovable, but it is tantamount to admitting that they are a gullible and easily led person whose opinions, consequently, can't be worth much. If an ex-member suffers from any mental disorientation or evident psychiatric symptoms, this is likely to further diminish their credibility as a reliable informant." He concludes with "In general, the public credibility of critical ex-cultists seems to be somewhere in between that of Estate Agents and flying saucer abductees." In the article's summary, Dunlop argues that given that the apostates' testimony is ineffective due to lack of public credibility, and that other forms of criticism are also ineffectual for various reasons, cults are virtually immune from outside criticism making it very difficult to "expos[e] cults". (Dunlop 2001)

Άλλες χρήσεις του όρου

In popular usage, religious terminology like "apostasy" is often appropriated for use within other public spheres characterized by strongly-held beliefs, like politics. Such usage typically carries a much less negative connotation than the religious usage does, and sometimes people will even describe themselves as apostates. Authors Kevin Phillips (a former Republican strategist turned harsh critic of the Bush administration) and Christopher Hitchens (a former left-wing commentator turned enthusiastic supporter of the Iraq War) are examples of people who are often described as political apostates.

Εξέχοντες αποστάτες

This is a list of some notable persons that have been labelled an apostate by a notable source, regardless whether they fit any of the mentioned definitions.

Χριστιανισμός

Ισλαμισμός

Ιουδαϊσμός

  • Baruch Spinoza published works that contradicted traditional Judaism and was as a result excommunicated by the local Jewish community because of what they perceived as apostasy.

Ινδουισμός

Βλέπε επίσης

Εξωτερικοί ιστότοποι


Υποσημειώσεις

  1. Bromley, David G. (Ed.) The Politics of Religious Apostasy: The Role of Apostates in the Transformation of Religious Movements CT, Praeger Publishers, 1998. ISBN 0-275-95508-7
  2. Βλέπε το πλήρες κείμενο αυτού του άρθρου της Σύμβασης εδώ.


  1. Beith-Hallahmi, Benjamin Dear Colleagues: Integrity and Suspicion in NRM Research, 1997, [11]
  2. Bromley David G. et al., The Role of Anecdotal Atrocities in the Social Construction of Evil, in Bromley, David G et al. (ed.), Brainwashing Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological, Psychological, Legal, and Historical Perspectives (Studies in religion and society) p. 156, 1984, ISBN 08-8946-868
  3. Duhaime, Jean (Université de Montréal) Les Témoignages de convertis et d'ex-adeptes (English: The testimonies of converts and former followers, in Mikael Rothstein et al. (ed.), New Religions in a Postmodern World, 2003, ISBN 8772887486
  4. Dunlop, Mark, The culture of Cults, 2001 [12]
  5. Introvigne, Massimo Defectors, Ordinary Leavetakers and Apostates: A Quantitative Study of Former Members of New Acropolis in France - paper delivered at the 1997 Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, San Francisco, November 23, 1997 [13]
  6. The Jewish Encylopedia (1906). The Kopelman Foundation. [14]
  7. Kliever. Lonnie D, Ph.D. The Reliability of Apostate Testimony About New Religious Movements, 1995. [15]
  8. Lucas, Phillip Charles, The Odyssey of a New Religion: The Holy Order of MANS from New Age to Orthodoxy Indiana University press;
  9. Lucas, Phillip Charles, Shifting Millenial Visions in New Religious Movements: The case of the Holy Order of MANS in The year 2000: Essays on the End edited by Charles B. Strozier, New York University Press 1997;
  10. Lucas, Phillip Charles, From Holy Order of MANS to Christ the Savior Brotherhood: The Radical Transformation of an Esoteric Christian Order in Timothy Miller (ed.), America's Alternative Religions State University of New York Press, 1995;
  11. Lucas, Phillip Charles, The Eleventh Commandment Fellowship: A New Religious Movement Confronts the Ecological Crisis, Journal of Contemporary Religion 10:3, 1995:229-41;
  12. Lucas, Phillip Charles, Social factors in the Failure of New Religious Movements: A Case Study Using Stark's Success Model SYZYGY: Journal of Alternative Religion and Culture 1:1, Winter 1992:39-53
  13. Melton, Gordon J., Brainwashing and the Cults: The Rise and Fall of a Theory, 1999. [16]
  14. Wilson, Bryan R. (Ed.) The Social Dimensions of Sectarianism, Rose of Sharon Press, 1981.
  15. Wilson, Bryan R. Apostates and New Religious Movements, Oxford, England, 1994
  16. Zablocki, Benjamin, Reliability and validity of apostate accounts in the study of religious communities. Paper presented at the Association for the Sociology of Religion in New York City, Saturday, August 17, 1996.
  17. Zablocki, Benjamin et al., Research on NRMs in the Post-9/11 World, in Lucas ,Phillip Charles et al. (ed.), NRMs in the 21st Century: legal, political, and social challenges in global perspective, 2004, ISBN 0145965772
Αυτό το λήμμα βασίζεται ή περιλαμβάνει κείμενο από λήμμα της Encyclopædia Britannica του 1911 που αποτελεί κοινό κτήμα.
  1. Apostates of islam, why islam should be avoided [17]

Βιβλιογραφία

Μαρτυρίες, απομνημονεύματα και αυτοβιογραφίες

  • Dubreuil, J. P. 1994 L'Église de Scientology. Facile d'y entrer, difficile d'en sortir. Sherbrooke: private edition (ex-Church of Scientology)
  • Huguenin, T. 1995 Le 54e Paris Fixot (ex-Ordre du Temple Solaire who would be the 54th victim)
  • Kaufmann, Inside Scientology/Dianetics: How I Joined Dianetics/Scientology and Became Superhuman, 1995 [18]
  • Lavallée, G. 1994 L'alliance de la brebis. Rescapée de la secte de Moïse, Montréal: Club Québec Loisirs (ex-Roch Theriault)
  • Pignotti, Monica, My nine lives in Scientology, 1989, [19]
  • Wakefield, Margery, Testimony, 1996 [20]
  • Lawrence Woodcraft, Astra Woodcraft, Zoe Woodcraft, The Woodcraft Family, Video Interviews [21]

Συγγράμματα άλλων

  • Bromley, David G. (Ed.) The Politics of Religious Apostasy: The Role of Apostates in the Transformation of Religious Movements CT, Praeger Publishers, 1998. ISBN 0-275-95508-7
  • Carter, Lewis, F. Lewis, Carriers of Tales: On Assessing Credibility of Apostate and Other Outsider Accounts of Religious Practices published in the book The Politics of Religious Apostasy: The Role of Apostates in the Transformation of Religious Movements edited by David G. Bromley Westport, CT, Praeger Publishers, 1998. ISBN 0-275-95508-7
  • Malinoski, Peter, Thoughts on Conducting Research with Former Cult Members , Cultic Studies Review, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2001 [22]
  • Palmer, Susan J. Apostates and their Role in the Construction of Grievance Claims against the Northeast Kingdom/Messianic Communities [23]
  • Wright, Stuart. Post-Involvement Attitudes of Voluntary Defectors from Controversial New Religious Movements. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 23 (1984): pp. 172-82